by Judith
Gabriel*
More than a millennium
ago, as fleets of Viking raiders were striking fear into the hearts of coast-
and river-dwellers throughout western Europe, other Norsemen of more mercantile
inclination were making their way east. With no less boldness and stamina, bearing
luxurious furs and enticing nodules of amber, they penetrated the vast steppes
of what is today Ukraine, Belarus and Russia and entered Central Asia. There
they met Muslim traders who paid for Norse wares with silver coins, which the
Vikings themselves did not mint, and which they coveted.
Their routes were various,
and by the ninth and 10th centuries, a regular trade network had grown up. Some
Norsemen traveled overland and by river, while others sailed over both the
Black and Caspian Seas, joined caravans and rode camelback as far as Baghdad,
which was then under Abbasid rule and populated by nearly a million souls.
There, the Scandinavian traders found an emporium beyond their wildest dreams,
for their fjord-rimmed homelands had only recently seen the emergence of a few
rudimentary towns.
To the Arabs of Baghdad,
the presence of the Norsemen probably did not come as much of a surprise, for
the Arabs were long accustomed to meeting people from different cultures and
civilizations. They were also keen and literate observers. Abbasid historians
and caliphate envoys put to paper eyewitness accounts of the roving
Scandinavians, leaving a historical legacy that is shedding new light both on
Viking history and on a little-known chapter of early Islamic history.
From the time of the first
Viking attacks on England in the late eighth century, the 300-year epoch known
as the Viking Age found the Scandinavians venturing farther afield than any
other Europeans. They colonized nearly the entire North Atlantic, even
establishing a short-lived settlement in North America about the turn of the
millennium. It was largely the Vikings from Norway and Denmark who made these
western voyages, but waves of so-called "Eastern Vikings,"
predominantly Swedes, headed southeast to establish trading centers at Kiev and
Novgorod, where the elite among them became princes and rulers. It was in these
lands that they were observed by several Muslim historians.
The Arab writers did not
call the tall, blond traders "Vikings," but by the ethnonym Rus (pronounced
"Roos"). The origin of this term is obscure, and though some claim it
stems from the West Finnic name for Sweden, Ruotsi, there
is little agreement. Yet consistently, Byzantine and Arab writers referred to
the Swedish traders and settlers, as well as the local populations among whom
they settled and intermarried, as Rus, and this is the source of the modern
name of Russia.
This name was applied only
in the East. In France and Sicily, the Vikings were known as Normans. An elite
guard of the Byzantine emperors, composed of eastern Scandinavians, was known
as Varangians, but that term never came into widespread use outside the region.
In Al-Andalus, or Islamic Spain, they were known as al-majus, or "fire-worshipers," a
pejorative reference to their paganism.
Besides the Scandinavians
themselves, only the British called the marauders "Vikings," and this
word may come from vik, or
bay, and Viken, as Oslo Fjord was called, from which
the earliest Viking ships emerged. Other authorities maintain that the name
came from the Old Norse term i viking, which
is the equivalent of "a-raiding," as in "they went a-raiding
down the Atlantic coast." But "Viking" was never a blanket term
for the whole people of the region until it became a popular, modern misuse.
"We can refer to Viking-Age society, but not all Scandinavians were
Vikings," says Jesse Byock, who is professor of Old Norse literature at
the University of California at Los Angeles. "They themselves used the
term to refer to raiders from the region, but it certainly didn't describe the
local farmers who were back on the land."
In western Europe, journal
entries about Viking raids were often penned by monks and priests whose
interests lay in painting them in the darkest, most savage colors. But in the
East, the story was different. There the Rus were primarily explorers,
colonizers and tradesmen, and although they were well-armed, Muslim accounts
describe them as merchant-warriors whose primary business was trade. The Rus
were after the Abbasid-issued dirhams flooding the region, and though at times,
in the more remote regions, they procured these by exacting tribute, they
largely traded with Muslims who had themselves ventured north and west to find
opportunities for commerce.
We would in fact know
little about these Rus, these Norsemen in the East, were it not for Muslim
chroniclers, Ibn Fadlan, whose ninth-century Risala (Letter) is
the richest account of all, kept a journal that details his encounters with the
Rus along the Volga, as well as with many other peoples. A century later, Al-Tartushi,
a merchant from Córdoba, described a Danish market town, passing down to us a
rare glimpse of the Norsemen in their domestic setting. Other accounts, such as
Al-Mas'udi's Meadows of Gold, written in 943, and Al-Mukaddasi's The Best Organization of
Knowledge of the Regions, composed
after 985, were briefer in their mentions of the Rus, but collectively they
were all trailblazers in what was then the flourishing field of Islamic
geography, a response to the thirst for knowledge about the vast Islamic world
and the regions beyond it.
Unlike Europeans, Arab
chroniclers bore no grudge against the Rus, and thus the Arab reports are more
detached and, in the eyes of many scholars today, more credible. Most experts
acknowledge that the Vikings were, in general, victims of a medieval "bad
press," for the military excursions of Charlemagne and other Europeans of
the time were no less ruthless than theirs. Yet the Norsemen had only a runic
alphabet, suited for no more than inscribing grave-stones and place-markers,
and were hardly in a position to set the record straight themselves. Their oral
sagas of heroes and gods would not be written down until the 12th century.
Many of the Muslim
accounts have been translated into European languages over the past two
centuries, and they are proving valuable in interpreting archeological evidence
that continues to emerge. Hundreds of Viking Age graves and buried hoards, it
turns out, contain caches of still-gleaming Arab dirhams, "the coin that
helped fuel the Viking Age," according to Thomas S. Noonan of the
University of Minnesota. Noonan is one of the world's leading experts on
medieval Scandinavian ties with the Muslim world, and a specialist in Viking
numismatic history.
It was largely the dirham
that had lured the Scandinavians eastward in the first place, says Noonan.
Silver had become their favored medium of exchange, but with no indigenous
sources of the precious metal in the northern forests, they went in pursuit of
it far and wide. Arab merchants had started circulating silver coins in the
Volga region in the late eighth century, and Scandinavian traders, intent on
finding the source of the lucre, set a course across the Baltic in their
shallow-draft longboats.
In Russia, they braved the
uncharted river systems, portaging from one tributary to another, shooting
rapids and fending off hostile nomads until they reached the first eastern
trade centers, those of the Turkic Khazars. The Khazars had become the dominant
power in the Caucasian steppe by the middle of the seventh century, and they
played a major role in trade between the region and the Islamic world for the
next 300 years. Here, in the network of trading stations along the mighty
rivers, the Swedes would have carried on active commerce with Arabs, Persians
and Greeks. From there, some of the Scandinavians sailed down to the Black Sea,
toward the regions they called "Sarkland," a name that may refer
either to the lands of the Saracens (today Azerbaijan and northern Iran); to
the Khazar fortress of Sarkel, at the mouth of the Don on the Black Sea coast;
or to serk, the Norse word for silk, which was
widely traded in the region at the time.
The earliest reference by
Muslim writers to the roving Norsemen was made at the beginning of the ninth
century by Ibn Khurradadhbih, a Khurasani bon-vivant who headed Caliph Al-Mu'tamid's
postal and intelligence-gathering service. In 844 he wrote about the travels of
the saqalibah, a term generally used for fair-haired,
ruddy-complexioned Europeans. They came in their boats, he wrote,
"bringing beaver-skins, and skins of black foxes, and swords, from the
furthest part of the Slav lands down to the Black Sea." Rus traders, he
wrote, transported their wares by camel from Jurjan, a town at the southeastern
end of the Caspian Sea, to Baghdad, where saqalibah servants,
who had learned Arabic, acted as interpreters.
Baghdad, then a circular
city about 19 kilometers (12 mi) in diameter, was lavishly embellished with
parks, marble palaces, gardens, promenades and finely built mosques. The
Arabian Gulf trader, geographer and encyclopedist Yakut Al-Rumi describes how
both sides of the river were fronted by the palaces, kiosks, gardens and parks
of the nobles, with marble steps leading down to the water's edge, where
thousands of gondolas festooned with little flags sailed by.
This was a far cry from
the settlements occupied by the Rus. Astronomer and geographer Ibn Rustah,
writing between 903 and 913, noted that "they have no villages, no
cultivated fields." Ibn Rustah described the Rus as sporting excellent
swords, and wearing baggy trousers that were tight below the knee—a style which
reflected the Eastern influence in their wardrobes. They were, in his
estimation, heroic men who displayed great loyalty to each other. But their
primary interest in the region was acquisitive: "Their only occupation is
trading in sable and squirrel and other kinds of skins, which they sell to
those who will buy from them," he observed. "In payment, they take
coins, which they keep in their belts."
The Vikings paid little
attention to the face value of the coins; rather, they used an Arab system of
weights to measure the silver on portable balance scales. When it suited them,
the coins were hewn into smaller pieces, melted down into ingots or fashioned
into arm-rings for subsequent "hack-silver" transactions. The amount
of Islamic silver reaching the region increased dramatically in the 10th
century, when vast silver deposits were discovered in the Hindu Kush. This
enabled the Khurasan-based Samanid dynasty to mint large numbers of coins and
to become, numismatic evidence shows, the main supplier of dirhams.
The Arabs, for their part,
were eager to have caps and coats made of black fox, the most valued of all the
furs, according to Al-Mas'udi. Al-Mukaddasi noted that from the Rus one could
obtain furs of sable, Siberian squirrel, ermine, marten, weasel, mink, fox and
colored hare.
Other wares traded by the
Rus, as inventoried by several Muslim observers, included wax and birch bark,
fish teeth, honey, goat skins and horse hides, falcons, acorns, hazelnuts,
cattle, swords and armor. Amber, the reddish-gold fossilized tree resin found
along the Baltic shoreline, was highly prized in the East and became a mainstay
of Scandinavian trade. Also valued in the East were the slaves that the Rus
captured from among the Eastern European peoples—Slavs, from which English has
derived the word slave. According to the itinerant geographer Ibn
Hawkal, writing in 977, the Rus slave trade ran "from Spain to
Egypt."
But the most important
eyewitness account of the Rus is of Ahmed ibn Fadlan, a writer about whom
little is known, but whose Risala has
been translated into several languages. Key segments of it are universally
cited in modern books about Vikings. It was his account that inspired author
Michael Crichton's 1976 novel Eaters of the Dead, the
basis of this year's film The Thirteenth Warrior by Touchstone/Disney. "Ibn Fadlan
was unique of all the sources," says Noonan. "He was there, and you
can trace his exact path. He describes how the caravans traveled, how they
would cross a river. He tells you about the flora and fauna along the way. He
shows us exactly how the trade functions. There is nothing else like it."
Ibn Fadlan was a faqih, an expert in Islamic jurisprudence,
who served as secretary of a delegation sent by Caliph Al-Muqtadir in 921 to
the king of the Bulgars, who had requested help building a fort and a mosque,
as well as personal instruction in the teachings of Islam. The Bulgars were a
Turkic-speaking branch of the people whom the Khazars had split in the seventh
century. One group migrated west, where they assimilated with Slavs and founded
what became modern Bulgaria, west of the Black Sea; the others turned north
toward the middle Volga region, where they continued to chafe under the rule of
the Khazars, whose domination of the north Caucasus and Caspian region marked
the northern limits of Abbasid power. In seeking assistance from Baghdad, the king
of the Bulgars was seeking an alliance against the Khazars.
Presumably in order to
avoid Khazar lands, the caliph's delegation took a lengthy and circuitous route
to the Bulgar capital, passing east of the Caspian Sea. Once there, it was Ibn
Fadlan who gave religious instruction to the Bulgar king, so impressing him
that the king gave him the kunya, or
nickname, "Al-Siddiq," "the truthful"—the same kunya that had once been earned by Abu Bakr,
the first caliph of Islam.
All told, the delegation
covered some 4000 kilometers (2500 mi). In his Risala, Ibn Fadlan described the numerous
peoples he encountered, and roughly one-fifth of his account is devoted to the
Rus. "I have never seen more perfect physical specimens, tall as date palms,
blond and ruddy," he wrote. "Each man has an axe, a sword,
and a knife and keeps each by him at all times." The men, he observed,
were tattooed with dark-green figures "from fingernails to neck."
Viking arts of jewelry and
bodily ornamentation were well-developed, and Ibn Fadlan described the Rus
women as wearing neck rings of gold and silver, "one for each 10,000
dirhams which her husband is worth; some women have many. Their most prized
ornaments are green glass beads of clay, which are found on the ships. They
trade beads among themselves and pay a dirham for a bead. They string them as
necklaces...." They also wore festoons of colored beads, large oval
brooches from which dangled such items as knives, keys and combs, and what Ibn
Fadlan described as "breast-boxes made out of gold, silver and wood."
He had harsh words,
however, for Rus hygiene: "They are the filthiest of God's
creatures," he observed, and although he acknowledged that they washed
their hands, faces and heads every day, he was appalled that they did so
"in the dirtiest and filthiest fashion possible" in a communal basin
of water, an ancient Germanic custom that caused understandable revulsion in a
Muslim who typically performed ablutions only in poured or running water. (In
the same year, Ibn Rustah, however, commended the Rus he observed as being
"clean in their dress and kind to their slaves.")
Their contact with Islam
led some among the Rus to embrace the religion, though Ibn Fadlan astutely
noted that old habits still had their pull: "They are very fond of pork
and many of them who have assumed the path of Islam miss it very much."
The Rus had also relished nabith, a
fermented drink Ibn Fadlan often mentioned as part of their daily fare.
Yet most of the Rus
continued to observe their own religious practices, which included the offering
of sacrifices. Ibn Rustah makes mention of a professional priesthood of Rus
shamans (whom he calls attibah) who
enjoyed very high status, and who had the power to select as a sacrifice to
their gods whichever men, women or cattle they fancied.
Witnessing a band of Rus
merchants celebrating the safe completion of a Volga voyage in 922, Ibn Fadlan
described how they prayed to their gods and offered sacrifices to wooden
figures stuck into the ground, and they begged their deities to send merchants with
plentiful silver coins to buy what they had to sell.
He also witnessed, along
the Volga, the dramatic funeral of a chieftain who was cremated with his ship.
His oft-quoted description of this rite is one of the most remarkable documents
of the Viking Age, filled as it is with grim details of the dead leader laid
out in his boat amid a treasury of expensive items, rich foods and strong
drink, as well as a dog, horses, oxen, and poultry, and accompanied by the body
of a slave girl who had volunteered for the honor of being slain and burned
with her master.
Beyond this, Ibn Fadlan
was privy to scenes of drunkenness and lewd behavior that were clearly shocking
to a pious, erudite scholar from Baghdad. But he was no moralizer: After making
note of the conduct, he moved on in his narrative without condescension.
Other Muslim writers found
some Rus traits praiseworthy, particularly their prowess in battle. The
philosopher and historian Miskawayh described them as men with "vast
frames and great courage" who carried an impressive arsenal of weapons,
including swords, spears, shields, daggers, axes and hammers. He noted that
their swords "are in great demand to this day for their sharpness and
excellence."
While the usual
relationship of the Rus with Baghdad, Khazaria and other Muslim lands was one
of peaceable trade, this was not always so. Along the shores of the Caspian
Sea, Rus tribes turned their prized weapons against Muslims twice in the 10th
century, once attacking Abaskun on the eastern Caspian in 910, and then
penetrating the oil country around Baku in 912, taking rich spoils and killing
thousands. Of this latter campaign, Al-Mas'udi wrote that when the people of
the Khazar state heard of this, about 150,000 of them were joined by Christians
from the town of Itil, and this joint force marched to the Volga, where the Rus
fleet had returned, and decimated it. The few Rus who escaped were later
finished off by Bulgars and others.
Ibn Hawkal tells how in
943 another large Rus armada reached the prosperous trading town of Bardha'a on
the Caspian's south shore, where the Rus slaughtered 5000 inhabitants. But
their occupation of the town broke down within months, apparently as the result
of a dysentery epidemic induced among them by a secret "cup of death"
offered to them by the women of the city.
Other than Ibn Fadlan, few
if any Muslims from the Middle East or Central Asia made the trek to the
Norsemen's distant homelands. However, Muslims in Al-Andalus, in the southern
two-thirds of the Iberian Peninsula, could travel to Scandinavia relatively
easily by sea, and several appear to have done just that, probably to trade. In
the mid-10th century, a Córdoban merchant named Al-Tartushi visited the Danish
market town of Hedeby. He was none too impressed, for although, at 24 hectares
(60 acres) in area, Hedeby was the largest Scandinavian town of the time, Al-Tartushi
found it a far cry from the elegance, organization and comfort of Córdoba.
Hedeby was noisy and filthy, he wrote, with the pagan inhabitants hanging
animal sacrifices on poles in front of their houses. The people of Hedeby
subsisted chiefly on fish, "for there was so much of it." He noted
that Norse women enjoyed the right to divorce: "They part with their
husbands whenever they like." Men and women alike, he found, used "an
artificial make-up for the eyes; when they use it their beauty never fades, but
increases."
But such scant contact did
not do much to help bridge vast cultural gaps. Toledo jurist Sa'id reasoned
that the pagan Norsemen were affected by their wintry origins: "Because
the sun does not shed its rays directly over their heads, their climate is cold
and the atmosphere cloudy. Consequently their temperaments have become cold and
their humors rude, while their bodies have grown large, their complexions light
and their hair long."
From the early years of
the Viking Age, the Arabs of Al-Andalus had referred to the Scandinavians as al-majus, a word which meant
"fire-worshiping pagans" and was usually directed at Zoroastrians.
That these two groups were lumped into the same term leads some modern scholars
to speculate on early contacts among Norse traders and Zoroastrians in Persia
and Mesopotamia.
Andalusia was not spared
the Viking attacks that the rest of Europe had experienced. Historian Ahmad Al-Ya'qubi,
writing in 843-844, tells of the attack on Ishbiliyya (Seville) by "the
Majus who are called Rus." Ibn Qutiya, a 10th-century Córdoban historian,
wrote that the attackers were probably; Danish pirates who had sailed up the
Guadalquivir River. They were repelled by the Andalusian forces, who used
catapults to hurl flaming balls of naphtha that sank 30 ships. Amir 'Abd Al-Rah-man II
then managed to arrange a truce. The following year, legend has it, he
dispatched as envoy to the king of al-majus a
handsome poet, Yahya ibn Hakam Al-Bakri, known as Al-Ghazal ("the
gazelle") for the grace of his appearance and his verse, who carried a
gift for the king and his wife, Queen Noud. The voyage supposedly took Al-Ghazal
either to Ireland or Denmark, where he wrote that the queen "stays the sun
of beauty from darkening." In fact, Al-Ghazal's mission was not to the
Norsemen at all, but to the Byzantine emperor, and the survival of the legend
to this day indicates how large the Vikings loomed in the popular imagination
of the time.
Despite the truce, the
Danes returned to attack Spain again in 859 under the command of Hastein and
Bjorn Ironsides, two of the most famous Viking leaders. But their 62 dragon
ships were no match for the Umayyad forces. After the rout, the survivors
slipped through the Straits of Gibraltar to raid along the Moroccan coast,
which prompted another Muslim observer to record that "al-Majus—may God
curse them!—invaded the little Moroccan state of Nakur and pillaged it. They
took into captivity all the inhabitants with the exception of those who saved
their lives by flight." The marauding fleet then went on to harry the
south of France and Italy, where they sacked the town of Luna on the northwest
coast, believing it to be Rome. Some Arab sources say they reached Greece and
even Egypt. When they returned to the Iberian coast two years after their first
attack, they were defeated again, and Vikings never returned to the
Mediterranean.
So it was also in the
East. The Viking Age, so dependent on Arab silver, did not survive the
dwindling of the stream of dirhams in the late 10th century as the Samanid
state collapsed, its silver mines near exhaustion. Noonan points out that the
silver coins were increasingly debased as time went on: "A silver
content of approximately 90 percent in the year 1000 had declined to a silver
content of about five percent half a century later. Understandably, Rus
merchants no longer wanted such coins."
The silver-seeking Rus
retreated west. Those who had not fully established their lives among the local
populations of Russia sailed home, where their crystallizing nations became
today's Norway, Sweden, Finland and Denmark.
A millennium later,
scholars would turn to Ibn Fadlan, Al-Tartushi, Al-Mas'udi and the other
Arab writers to trace their sojourns and to seek out in burial hoards and
mounds the dirhams the Norsemen had carried home. According to Noonan, some
100,000 dirham coins, most deposited between the years 900 and 1030, have been
unearthed to date in Sweden alone, and there are more than a thousand recorded
individual hoards of five or more coins recorded throughout Scandinavia, the
Baltic countries and Russia. In addition to inscriptions, the Muslim coins bear
the year and place of minting—vital details for modern numismatists and
archeologists. One excellent find in Uppland, Sweden contained a mixture of
coins minted in Baghdad, Cairo, Damascus, Isfahan and Tashkent.
Soon more of this
knowledge will be widely available. Noonan's catalogue of dirham hoards from
throughout western Eurasia will be published by the Numismatics Institute of
the University of Stockholm. His first book on the subject, a collection of
articles titled The Islamic World, Russia and the Vikings, 750-900: The Numismatic
Evidence, was
published by Ashgate in 1998 (ISBN 0-86078-657-9).
Similarly, in Norway,
former University of Tehran archeologist and numismatist Houshang Khazaei has
completed an English-language catalogue of Kufic silver coins found in Norway,
many of which are currently on display at the University Museum of Cultural
Heritage in Oslo. "We are beginning to see new interest in this
subject," says Khazaei, whose work will soon be published. Other relics of
Viking-Arab trade have been found in Scandinavia as well: fine beads of rock
crystal or carnelian, Persian glass, silks, vessels and ornaments. In addition,
the trade with Arabs left its mark on Nordic languages, with cognate words such
as kaffe, arsenal, kattun (cotton), alkove, sofa and kalfatre (asphalt,
used for boat caulking). One historian even suggests that the inspiration for
the sails of Viking ships came from the Arab dhows that the Norse traders
first observed on the Black Sea.
But the greatest debt
Scandinavians owe the Muslims lies in the time-worn pages of the manuscripts. There,
long-silent voices rise to help historians, archeologists and linguists clarify
a much-maligned past. Haakon Stang, in his 1996 University of Oslo dissertation The Naming of Russia, thanked the Arabs who "on their
way, let us hear and see and sense what once happened—and was past, otherwise
irretrievably lost."
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